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The Inflation Reduction Act is the most significant piece of climate legislation in the history of the United States. It will deploy nearly $400 billion over the coming decade to slash carbon emissions. By lowering the cost of clean energy technologies, the law can accelerate their deployment not only at home but abroad. But to achieve its full climate potential, US diplomats and trade officials must now ensure that the large subsidies and domestic manufacturing requirements in the law spur the right mix of competition and cooperation from other countries, rather than feed the growing forces of protectionism that could stymie a clean energy transition.
Yet the approach also runs the risk of protectionism triggering wider trade conflict. Unless properly managed, these trade risks could undermine the rapid transition to clean energy, not to mention the economy.
Consider, for example, that the new climate law requires that electric vehicles be assembled in North America to qualify for the subsidies and that the batteries in them be made from components mined or processed in the US or its free-trade partners. Or that larger renewable energy subsidies are available if the projects use materials, such as steel and iron, sourced from domestic manufacturers. Or that its massive subsidies for hydrogen and ammonia made using renewable electricity (so-called green hydrogen) lower the delivered cost of such exported green fuels below that of competitors in the Middle East and Asia.
That the majority of examples of free trade agreements across the globe that the book references are well-established rather than recent, it is unlikely that the text will be obsolete in coming years. Changes, such as the enactment of new major trade deals or international trade guidelines and agreements, will be easy to insert into copies of the text in coming years.
The author thoughtfully acknowledges different perspectives on the debates surrounding free trade and protectionism, and does so across chapters rather than relegating the discussion to a single chapter. The author is also careful and consistent throughout the text in identifying both the strengths and limitations of the models presented.
The text also addresses current issues such as free trade area formation and administered protection policies. The models are developed, not by employing advanced mathematics, but rather by walking students through a detailed description of how a model's assumptions influence its conclusions. But more importantly, each model and theory is connected to real world policy issues.
The main purpose of the text is to provide a thorough grounding in the arguments concerning the age-old debate about free trade versus protectionism. This text has the following unique features: The text begins with an historical overview of trade policy issues to provide context for the theory. The text concludes with a detailed economic argument supporting free trade.The welfare analysis in the Ricardian, Heckscher-Ohlin and specific factors models emphasize the redistributive effects of free trade by calculating changes in real incomes.The trade policy chapter provides a comprehensive look at many more trade policies than are found in a printed textbook.
Free trade is a trade policy that does not restrict imports or exports. In government, free trade is predominantly advocated by political parties that hold economically liberal positions, while economic nationalist and left-wing political parties generally support protectionism,[1][2][3][4] the opposite of free trade.
Most nations are today members of the World Trade Organization multilateral trade agreements. Free trade was best exemplified by the unilateral stance of Great Britain who reduced regulations and duties on imports and exports from the mid-nineteenth century to the 1920s.[5] An alternative approach, of creating free trade areas between groups of countries by agreement, such as that of the European Economic Area and the Mercosur open markets, creates a protectionist barrier between that free trade area and the rest of the world. Most governments still impose some protectionist policies that are intended to support local employment, such as applying tariffs to imports or subsidies to exports. Governments may also restrict free trade to limit exports of natural resources. Other barriers that may hinder trade include import quotas, taxes and non-tariff barriers, such as regulatory legislation.
Historically, openness to free trade substantially increased from 1815 to the outbreak of World War I. Trade openness increased again during the 1920s, but collapsed (in particular in Europe and North America) during the Great Depression. Trade openness increased substantially again from the 1950s onwards (albeit with a slowdown during the 1973 oil crisis). Economists and economic historians contend that current levels of trade openness are the highest they have ever been.[6][7][8]
Economists are generally supportive of free trade.[9] There is a broad consensus among economists that protectionism has a negative effect on economic growth and economic welfare while free trade and the reduction of trade barriers has a positive effect on economic growth[10][11][12][13][14][15] and economic stability.[16] However, in the short run, liberalization of trade can cause significant and unequally distributed losses and the economic dislocation of workers in import-competing sectors.[11][17][18]
Two simple ways to understand the proposed benefits of free trade are through David Ricardo's theory of comparative advantage and by analyzing the impact of a tariff or import quota. An economic analysis using the law of supply and demand and the economic effects of a tax can be used to show the theoretical benefits and disadvantages of free trade.[19][20]
This has three effects on societal welfare. Consumers are made worse off because the consumer surplus (green region) becomes smaller. Producers are better off because the producer surplus (yellow region) is made larger. The government also has additional tax revenue (blue region). However, the loss to consumers is greater than the gains by producers and the government. The magnitude of this societal loss is shown by the two pink triangles. Removing the tariff and having free trade would be a net gain for society.[23][24]
Sometimes consumers are better off and producers worse off and sometimes consumers are worse off and producers are better off, but the imposition of trade restrictions causes a net loss to society because the losses from trade restrictions are larger than the gains from trade restrictions. Free trade creates winners and losers, but theory and empirical evidence show that the gains from free trade are larger than the losses.[19]
According to mainstream economics theory, the selective application of free trade agreements to some countries and tariffs on others can lead to economic inefficiency through the process of trade diversion. It is efficient for a good to be produced by the country which is the lowest cost producer, but this does not always take place if a high cost producer has a free trade agreement while the low cost producer faces a high tariff. Applying free trade to the high cost producer and not the low cost producer as well can lead to trade diversion and a net economic loss. This reason is why many economists place such high importance on negotiations for global tariff reductions, such as the Doha Round.[19]
The literature analysing the economics of free trade is rich. Economists have done extensive work on the theoretical and empirical effects of free trade. Although it creates winners and losers, the broad consensus among economists is that free trade provides a net gain for society.[28][29] In a 2006 survey of American economists (83 responders), \"87.5% agree that the U.S. should eliminate remaining tariffs and other barriers to trade\" and \"90.1% disagree with the suggestion that the U.S. should restrict employers from outsourcing work to foreign countries\".[30]
Quoting Harvard economics professor N. Gregory Mankiw, \"Few propositions command as much consensus among professional economists as that open world trade increases economic growth and raises living standards\".[31] In a survey of leading economists, none disagreed with the notion that \"freer trade improves productive efficiency and offers consumers better choices, and in the long run these gains are much larger than any effects on employment\".[32]
Most economists would agree[citation needed] that although increasing returns to scale might mean that a certain industry could settle in a particular geographical area without any strong economic reason derived from comparative advantage, this is not a reason to argue against free trade because the absolute level of output enjoyed by both winner and loser will increase, with the winner gaining more than the loser, but both gaining more than before in an absolute level.[citation needed]
The notion of a free trade system encompassing multiple sovereign states originated in a rudimentary form in 16th century Imperial Spain.[36] American jurist Arthur Nussbaum noted that Spanish theologian Francisco de Vitoria was \"the first to set forth the notions (though not the terms) of freedom of commerce and freedom of the seas\".[37] Vitoria made the case under principles of jus gentium.[37] However, it was two early British economists Adam Smith and David Ricardo who later developed the idea of free trade into its modern and recognizable form.
Economists who advocated free trade believed trade was the reason why certain civilizations prospered economically. For example, Smith pointed to increased trading as being the reason for the flourishing of not just Mediterranean cultures such as Egypt, Greece and Rome, but also of Bengal (East India) and China. Netherlands prospered greatly after throwing off Spanish Imperial rule and pursuing a policy of free trade.[38] This made the free trade/mercantilist dispute the most important question in economics for centuries. Free trade policies have battled with mercantilist, protectionist, isolationist, socialist, populist and other policies over the centuries. 153554b96e
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